Canon
of the Old Testament
The Greek kanon means primarily a
reed, or measuring-rod: by a natural figure it was employed by ancient writers
both profane and religious to denote a rule or standard. We find the
substantive first applied to the Sacred Scriptures in the fourth century, by
St. Athanasius; for its derivatives, the Council of Laodicea of the same period
speaks of the kanonika biblia and Athanasius of the biblia kanonizomena. The
latter phrase proves that the passive sense of canon — that of a regulated and
defined collection — was already in use, and this has remained the prevailing
connotation of the word in ecclesiastical literature.
Often, it is said that the
expression "deuterocanonical books" was created by the Fathers of the
Council of Trent (1545-1563). That is not correct. But it is true that the
expression was used for the first time by a theologian connected with that
council, Sixtus of Siena (1520-1569) in his De
divinis nominibus bibliothecae sanctae published in 1566.1 Sixtus was a Jew converted to Christianity. He
became a Franciscan, then a Dominican. In the beginning of his book, he asks
the question: "what are the canonical and apocryphal Scriptures and
authors" (canonicae et apocryphae scripturae et scriptores quid sint). In
his answer, he makes a distinction between three categories of books:
1. the canonical books of the
first order, which he calls "protocanonical"
2. the canonical books of the
second order, in other words "deuterocanonical"
3. and the "apocryphal"
books, "apocryphae," the meaning of which is of two kinds,
"duobus modis:" first, there are the canonical books the authors of
which are uncertain; secondly, there are the books the authority of which is
uncertain, such as 3-4 Ezra, 3-4 Maccabees, and others; they cannot be used
either in the dogmatic field nor for public edification, but are reserved for
private reading, at home, "privatim et domi."
According to Sixtus, the authority
of the protocanonical books was never discussed in the Catholic Church and they
have been always used in an authoritative manner in dogmatic problems; he does
not list these books, except the five books of Moses and the four gospels. He
gives many more details about the deuterocanonical books: in the Old Testament,
those are Esther, Tobit, Judith, Baruch, Letter of Jeremiah, Wisdom of Solomon,
Ben Sira, Prayer of Azariah, Hymn of the Three Children, Susanna, Bel, 1-2
Maccabees; according to him, those books were not known during the apostolic
ages by all the Church; they were read by the catechumens at the time of
Athanasius, then they were used for public edification, as Rufinus tells.2
Sixtus innovates. Before him, in conciliary
decrees the books he calls protocanonical and deuterocanonical were mixed
together. For instance, canon 36 of the Council of Carthage (397 AD) speaks
about Solomon's books, which are said to be three, four or five according to
the variant readings of the manuscripts. These books are quoted between the
Psalter and the Twelve Prophets. If there are only three, these are necessarily
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and Song of Songs, which are canonical books; but, if
they are four, Wisdom, a deuterocanonical book, is included; if they are five,
Wisdom and probably Ben Sira, both deuterocanonical, are included. In the same
list, Tobit and Judith are quoted between Daniel and Esther. Nevertheless, the
list finishes with 1-2 Maccabees.3 Much
later, in 1442, one of the decrees of the council of Florence, the Bulla
unionis coptorum, quotes Tobit and Judith between Nehemiah and Esther; Wisdom
and Ben Sira between Song of Songs and Isaiah; Baruch between Jeremiah and
Ezekiel.4 In 1546, the Council of
Trent gives the same list.5
Before the word
"deuterocanonical," was there another word for saying the same thing?
Sixtus’ text furnishes an interesting indication: the theologian says that the
books of the second order "were called in the past ecclesiastical,
ecclesiastici, and called by us deuterocanonical." Who, in the past, has
spoken about ecclesiastical books? In the days of the Council of Trent, two
theologians, the Dominican Pietro Bertano and the Augustinian Girolamo
Seripando, suggested that it is necessary to distinguish two categories of
books. First, the authentic and canonical ones, on which our faith depends (authentici
et canonici et a quibus fides nostra dependeat); secondly, the books merely
canonical, which are suited to teaching and useful for reading in the churches
(canonici tantum quique ad docendum idonei et ad legendum in ecclesiis utiles
sunt).6 Certainly, here, the word
"ecclesiastic" is not present. But in his treatise De libris sacrae
scripturae (1546), the same Girolamo Seripando makes a distinction between the
canonical and authentic books, the authority of which is able to confirm
ecclesiastical dogmas (canonici et authentici [... ) quorum auctoritas valeat
ad confirmanda dogmatica ecclesiastica), and the canonical and ecclesiastical
books, which are to be read for edification, but are not authentic, that is are
not sufficient in order to confirm ecclesiastical dogmas, (canonici et
ecclesiastici [... }legendi scilicet ad aedificationem plebes, non autem [... )
authentici, hoc est tanquam sufficientes per se ad confirmanda dogmata
ecclesiastica).7
To the second category belong
Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Ben Sira, Maccabees, 1-2 Ezra, Baruch. To establish this
point, Girolamo Seripando quotes patristic authorities, above all Jerome's
Prologus in libris Salomonis. In fact, in this text, speaking about Ben Sira and
Wisdom, the Latin Father explains that
the Church reads Judith, Tobit and Maccabees, but
does not receive them among canonical Scriptures; in the same way, the Church
must read these two books for public edification, but not in order to confirm
the authority of ecclesiastical dogmas (sicut ergo Iudith et Tobi et
Machabeorum libros legit quidem eccIesia, sed inter canonicas scripturas non
recipit, sic et haec duo volumina legat ad aediftcationem plebes, non ad
auctoritatem eccIesiasticorum dogma tum confirmandam).8
Does Sixtus refer to Girolamo
Seripando and, beyond him, to Jerome? In his text, he quotes only Rufinus and
his Expositio symboli, in which Rufinus makes a distinction between canonical
books (canonici), and ecclesiastical books (ecclesiastici, § 36).9 Those are: Wisdom, Ben Sira, Tobit, Judith,
Maccabees. According to him, the churches agree that all those books are to be
read, but they cannot be produced in order to confirm the authority of faith
(quae omnia legi quidem in ecclesiis voluerunt, non tamen proferri ad
auctoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam). Nevertheless, this idea is closely
related to Jerome's proposal. One can even wonder whether Sixtus is not
referring to Jerome, more than to Rufinus, when he makes a distinction between
the confirmation of dogmas and the teaching of people (dogmatum confirmatio
[...J populi instructio). These words are quite close to the distinction made
by Jerome in his Prologus in libris Salomonis between the confirmation of the
authority of ecclesiastical dogmas (auctoritas ecclesiasticorum dogmatum confirmanda)
and public edification (aedificatio plebes).
However, a point must be
underlined: Rufinus asserts that the books of the second category "have
been called by the elders not canonical, but ecclesiastical" (non
canonici, sed ecclesiastici a maioribus appel/ati sunt). Are the words
"ecclesiastical books" attested before Rufinus? Unfortunately, they
do not occur in any text, either Latin or Greek. That does not mean that
Rufinus is a liar, but only that there are big gaps in our knowledge of ancient
data. Then, is it possible to go back in time before Rufinus? In his Letter to
Africanus, Origen reminds Africanus that the story of Susanna is "in
circulation in all Christ's Church", as well as Bel and the Dragon (§ 3).
He speaks also about the Christian manuscripts offering the hymn of the three
children which are "in circulation in the churches", about the Greek
additions to Esther (§ 5), about the end of Job (§ 6), and about Tobit and
Judith, that the Jews do not use contrary to the churches (§ 19). Origen thinks
that it is impossible to change the manuscripts and the texts that "are in
circulation in the churches".10 Certainly, the Greek word ecclesiastikos does not
occur in Origen' Letter, but the idea is present.
However, one thing is certain: the
expression "ecclesiastical books" is Christian, not Jewish. But all
the "ecclesiastical" books are Jewish. Some of them are translated
from Hebrew, such as 1 Maccabees, Ben Sira, Judith and some passages of Tobit;
others from the Aramaic language, such as most of Tobit and the beginning of 2
Maccabees; others have been written in Greek, such as Wisdom, most of 2 Maccabees
and 3-4 Maccabees.11 Therefore, there
is a contrast, perhaps a contradiction, between the Christian term and the
Jewish origin. Is it possible to account for this contrast? Here, the patristic
and rabbinic data have to be taken into account.
2. THE PATRISTIC DATA
Facing the
deuterocanonical/ecclesiastical books, the Fathers do not all behave in the
same way. Some of them list them among the others biblical books, without
classifying them in a special category. But more often, they enumerate them
separately. In the second century, Melito of Sardis quotes Solomon's Proverbs,
"alias Wisdom".12 Perhaps this book is really Proverbs; in that case,
Melito does not list any deuterocanonical works. But maybe it is Wisdom, which,
should then be the only deuterocanonical book indicated by Melito in his list.
Around 400 AD, according to John Chrysostom, in the Protheoria of his Synopsis,
the books belonging to the exhortative manner are Proverbs, Ben Sira (that is
Ecclesiasticus), Ecclesiastes and Song of Songs.13 In the text which follows the Protheoria, 1-2
Chronicles is followed by 1-2 Ezra, Esther, Tobit, Judith, Job, Wisdom,
Proverbs, Ben Sira, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezechiel, Daniel, and the Twelve. Among
the Latins, Cheltenham's list and Gelasius' Decree quote the deuterocanonical
books on a level equal with the canonical ones.14 The same occurs in Augustine: Tobit, Esther, Judith
and 1-2 Maccabees are quoted between Job and 1-2 Ezra (De doctrina christiana
II 8,13).15
When they comment on the Bible or
give quotations of it, the Fathers often consider the deuterocanonical books as
Scripture. Wisdom is quoted as Scripture by Clement of Rome, Tatian, the letter
To Diognetus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Cyprian and others. Here are the
deuterocanonical books that Origen quotes as Scripture in his treatise De
Principiis: 2 Maccabees 7:28 (in II 1,5); Wisdom 11:20 (in II 9,1 and IV 4,8)
and 15:11 (in III 4,1); Tobit 5:4 (in III 2,4) and 13:18 (in II 3,5); Ben Sira
6:4 (in II 8,4); 16:21 (in IV 3,14); 43:20 (in II 8,3); Susanna 42 (in III 1,2
et III 1,17). More often, the Fathers deal with the deuterocanonical books separately.
The lists that they give are more or less numerous. According to Origen, who
describes the canon of the Hebrews, there is only one book "outside"
the canonical books: the Maccabees, the Hebrew title of which is
Sarbethsabanaiel a title on which much has been written.16 Thanks to
Jerome who, in the so-called Galeatus prologue, tells that he has found 1
Maccabees in Hebrew and 2 Maccabees in Greek, one can identify the
"Maccabees" with 1 Maccabees.17
A short list containing only two
books appears in Epiphanius, Panarion I 8,6,1-4: Wisdom and Ben Sira, which are
said to be "in dispute" and form a category that Epiphanius distinguishes
from the apocryphal books.18 In his treatise De mensuris et ponderibus (§ 4), the
same Epiphanius calls those two books "useful" and
"beneficial".19 According to Josippus (end of the fourth century AD),
Esther and Maccabees are "outside" the canonical books.20 During the
first part of the eighth century, according to John Damascenus, the two
Wisdoms, Solomon's and that of Ben Sira, are said to be "virtuous"
and "beautiful", but they are not included among the canonical books.21 On the Latin
side, Hilarius of Poitiers (middle of the fourth century AD) asserts that Tobit
and Judith are "added" books (additi): they probably are
deuterocanonical books.22
Another short list is attested
around 600. According to the Barberinianus gr. 317, twenty-two books are common
to Hebrews and Christians; then, the list criticizes "some" for not
mentioning the "remaining" books, which are Solomon's Wisdom, called
also Panaretos, Esther, Tobit and Judith.23 To the first short list, this list adds Wisdom and
Esther. One can be surprised by the mention of Esther, since this book belongs
to the Hebrew canon. But, in ancient Christianity, the status of this book is
threefold. Esther often belongs to the Christian canon. Sometimes, among Greek
and Syriac authors, such as Melito, Gregory Nazianzenus, Amphilochius
Iconiensis and the ancient Peshitto, Esther does not belong to the canon.24 And last, according
to Athanasius, Pseudo-Athanasius (§ 2,41-46,74), Josippus, and Pseudo-Nicephorus,
Esther is neither canonical nor apocryphal: it belongs to the socalled
deuterocanonical category.25 It even happens that a Father contradicts himself.
Origen, who quotes Esther as Scripture in his De Principiis (III 2, 4), but,
when he is living in Caesarea, refers to it on a level with Tobit, Judith and
Wisdom.26
Athanasius enumerates five books:
Wisdom, Ben Sira, Esther, Judith and Tobit.27 The same list is given by Pseudo-Athanasius
(Synopsis, § 2 and 4146).28 Among the Latin Fathers, Rufinus enumerates what he
calls the ecclesiastical books: the two Wisdoms, that is Solomon's and Ben
Sira's, Tobit, Judith and "Maccabees' books," probably 1-2 Maccabees.29 In the Galeatus
prologue, Jerome speaks about the two Wisdoms, Judith, Tobit, 1-2 Maccabees.30 Around 600,
Isidorus of Seville tells that "the Hebrews do not receive" Tobit,
Judith and 1-2 Maccabees, but adds that "the Church includes them among
canonical Scriptures." He gives closely related information on Wisdom and
Ben Sira.31
A large list with nine books is
given by the Oxoniensis Baroccianus 206 list: here, the "outside"
(few) books are numbered from one to nine: Solomon's Wisdom, Ben Sira's Wisdom,
1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees, 3 Maccabees, 4 Maccabees, Esther, Judith, Tobit.32
Another large lists are attested.
Around 900, Pseudo-Nicephorus list 13 Maccabees, Wisdom, Ben Sira, Solomon's
Psalms and Odes, Esther, Judith, Susanna and Tobit.33 He probably counted those
ten books as eight, 1-3 Maccabees being only one book. According to
Pseudo-Athanasius (fifth century?), there are thirteen deuterocanonical books
(§ 74): Wisdom, Ben Sira, Esther, Judith, Tobit, 1-4 Maccabees,
"Ptolemaics", Solomon's Psalms and Ode (in the singular), Susanna.34 This list
offers two strange features: first, 1-4 Maccabees together with Ptolemaics,
which is probably 3 Maccabees, since this book tells the story of a Ptolemaic
king; second, Susanna, which, as a rule, goes with Daniel. One can notice that
the same author, Pseudo-Athanasius, offers a medium list (§ 2 and 41-46) as
well as a large one (§ 74).
In sum, the deuterocanonical books
are characterized by variability. This point has been already underlined in the
case of Esther, which either belongs to the canon or not, or is a
deuterocanonical book. Other variations can be pointed out. First, there are
changes among the titles: Proverbs is called Wisdom by Melito and Panaretos
Sophia by Hegesippus, Irenaeus and "the entire choir of the Elders".35 Nevertheless,
here, the book could be Wisdom. Conversely, Panaretos is the title given to
Wisdom by Epiphanius (De mensuris et ponderibus 7), John Damascenus,
Pseudo-Athanasius and Baroccianus gr. 317 list. Ben Sira is called Wisdom by Origen
(De Principiis II 8,3), Panaretos by Jerome and Proverbs in a Hebrew manuscript
that Jerome knows (Prologus in libris Salomonis).36 One can lose his way!
There are also variations in
terminology. Jerome who, as a rule, distinguishes deuterocanonical books and
apocryphal ones, eventually ranks the former among the latter in the Galeatus
Prologue.37 In
the Dialogus Timothei et Aquilae (fifth or sixth century), Timothy calls
apocryphal Tobit, Wisdom and Ben Sira and asserts that Judith belongs to the Hebrew
canon.38 PseudoAthanasius
calls the deuterocanonical books "contested" ones. He borrows this
word from Eusebius, but the latter used it only for books of New Testament and
apostolic ages (Historia ecclesiastica III 3,6 and 25,3). Once, speaking about
Tobit, Origen says that the Jews "contest" it, (De Oratione 14).
Thus, a lot of confusion is created. A final variation and confusion is to be
noted. The Fathers agree that the deuterocanonical books are "useful"
and "beneficial" (Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus 4). But they
do not agree on how to define that usefulness. Origen, Athanasius and
Pseudo-Athanasius advise the beginners or the catechumens to read these books.
In the apostolic canon 85, their reading is recommended to young people, who
are not necessarily the same as the catechumens.39 According to Rufinus (Expositio symboli 34-36) and
Jerome (Prologus in libris Salomonis), the deuterocanonical books are of use
for public edification, but not to confirm the authority of ecclesiastical
dogmas. Therefore, maybe the readers of the deuterocanonical books have changed
their views through time and space.
3. PATRISTIC ANO RABBINIC DATA
Is it possible to get out of this
confusion? Eric Junod said twenty years ago that the Fathers distinguish three
categories of books: the "testamentary" books, the
"apocryphal" books, and the "other books", those that
Catholics nowadays call deuterocanonical and Protestants, apocryphal.40 Junod has demonstrated
that the words "testamentary" and "apocryphal" went back to
the Greek-speaking Jews. But he says that he cannot draw the same conclusion
with regard to the "other books," because the Fathers never give the
name of that third category. Is that assertion sure? As has been said before,
in his De oratione 14, Origen claims that the Jews "speak against Tobit as
not being testamentary". That could suggest that, for Greek-speaking Jews,
Tobit was a "contested book." But has that term a Jewish origin?
First, the technical word “contested” does not occur in Origen, as it will
later in Eusebius, but only the verb in the plural. Secondly, using this verb,
Origen gives his point of view concerning the Jews, but he does not claim to
quote their opinion literally. Therefore, it seems that this text does not give
us definitive evidence.
Elsewhere, Origen is more useful.
According to him, Josippus, Baroccianus gr. 206 list, and canon 85 quoted in
the Constitutiones Apostolorum (VIII 47,85), there are books which are
"outside" the deuterocanonical ones. Certainly, there is not any
"outside" book in Hellenistic Judaism. But that expression points to
the books which the rabbinic tradition calls םינֵּוֹציחִ, "outside". B.Sanhedrin 100b tells that, according to an
anonymous tanna, those outside books were heretical. But the passage goes on to
quote a saying from Rab Yosef ben Chiyya (around 320): "it is forbidden to
read the book of Ben Sira," in other words Ecclesiasticus. Then a
discussion between Yosef and his pupil Abaye follows on the reasons for that
ban. Certainly, this passage has given rise to much debate: does it forbid only
the public reading of Ben Sira, or also the private one? Are the םינֵּוֹציחִ books a homogeneous category or do they contain different kinds of books,
for instance Jewish apocrypha, heretical books, Christian books? Whatever is
said on these points, it is certain that Ben Sira belonged to the םינֵּוֹציחִ at the beginning of the forth century, and perhaps before. If one
establishes a connection between this information and the patristic data, the םינֵּוֹציחִ books can be listed as follows: around the beginning of the fourth
century, Ben Sira (according to Yosef), Esther (according to Josippus),
Maccabees (according to Origen and Josippus). Here, Maccabees is either the
first or the first and the second. During the sixth century, according to the
list in Baroccianus gr. 206, there are nine: Wisdom, Ben Sira, 1-4 Maccabees,
Esther, Judith, Tobit.
Another suggestion can be made.
One can notice that several Fathers (Origen, Athanasius, Rufinus, Jerome)
assert that deuterocanonical books are valid for reading. Pseudo-Athanasius (§
2,41,74) even makes a distinction between the "canonical books".
Therefore, the question is: could the expression "read books" or "only
read books" be an ancient and Jewish technical indication? Apparently, in
the rabbinic tradition, there is no category of books called םיאוֹרקֶ or םיאוֹרקֶם (possibly with the addition of ךְא),
different from "written books" (םיבִוֹתּכֵ). Nevertheless, in the same rabbinic tradition, the verb "to
write" contrasts with several other verbs. Some of those oppositions do
not matter for our subject, as "to read" versus "to
translate" or "to read" versus "to recite by heart"
(y.Megillah 74d). On the other hand, there is a contrast between "to
read" versus "to write", different from the opposition between ירקֶ and בִיתּכֵ in the t.Megillah 2,5, around 150, Rabbi Meir went to Assya to
intercalate the year; in that place, he did not find a scroll of Esther written
in Hebrew. So he wrote a scroll out of memory and then he went, probably to the
synagogue, and read Esther from the new scroll. In b.Megillah (3b), around 200,
Rabbi leaves the study of the Torah in order to listen to the reading of Esther
and, according to rabbi Nahman b. Isaac (around 350), the reading of the Esther
scroll is equivalent to the recitation of the Hallel. In the same treatise
(7a), Mar Samuel, around 250, asserts that it has been said that Esther is for
reading, not for being written. Thus, in those texts, it seems that there are
two kinds of books: the former, such as the Torah, are available for public
reading and study; the latter, such as Esther, are only valid for private
reading and are not to be studied. Here, one must remember that Fathers of the
first centuries had not written commentaries on deuterocanonical books nor
pronounced homilies. Maybe they had inherited some Jewish practices. To
summarize: perhaps, some of the deuterocanonical books are the result of Jewish
books which were read, but not studied. Esther is one of those books; then,
later, because of the development of the Purim liturgy, Esther became one of
the so-called םיבִוֹתּכֵ; on the other hand, Ben Sira, which was written to
be studied as the Greek translator's prologue tells, had exchanged its
canonical status for the status of an unstudied book.
One can ask a last question: are
deuterocanonical books a homogeneous category? Are the "outside"
books identical to the "read books?" Do the Hebrew or Aramaic books
belong to the same category as the Greek ones? In the list of Baroccianus gr.
206, all the deuterocanonical books are grouped together. But we are in a late
period, around the sixth century. Two centuries before, according to Josippus,
Esther and Maccabees belong to the same category: the "outside
books." At the same time, according to rabbinic tradition, Ben Sira also
belongs to that category. Some time before, Origen says the same about
Maccabees. Here, there is an argument for the literary unity of some of the
books. But can we generalize and assume that the other books, Judith, Tobit,
Wisdom and the entire collection of Maccabees were also a unity? Judith and
Tobit were written either in Hebrew or in Aramaic: perhaps these books can be
put in the same category as Esther, 1 Maccabees and Ben Sira. But, the other
books were written in Greek. Therefore, to come to the same conclusion, we must
suppose that the Greek-speaking Jews read these books, but did not study them.
This implies, first, that they behaved as the Hebrew-speaking Jews in Jerusalem
and Babylon, secondly, that they had some "read" books, which
Jerusalem and Babylon did not have. These two points are plausible, but not
really demonstrated.
In conclusion, let us return to
Sixtus of Siena. The deuterocanonical books he enumerated were Esther, Tobit,
Judith, Baruch, Letter of Jeremiah, Wisdom of Solomon, Ben Sira, Prayer of
Azariah, Hymn of the three children, Susana, Bel, 1 and 2 Maccabees.
Apparently, six or seven of these thirteen books or biblical passages do not
belong to the "outside" books or the "read" books: Baruch,
Letter of Jeremiah, Prayer of Azariah, Hymn of the three children, Susanna,
Bel, perhaps 2 Maccabees. But Origen explains that Susanna, Bel, Tobit and
Judith were in circulation in the churches, and that Wisdom is useful for
beginners.41 Moreover,
2 Maccabees perhaps belongs to the socalled "Maccabaics," about which
Origen and Josippus spoke. Finally, Prayer of Azariah and Hymn of the three
children are parts of Greek Daniel: 3:24-45 and 3:51-90. Nevertheless, there is
a contrast between the deuterocanonical books of modem times and those of
ancient times. It can be explained as follows: among the Christians, Baruch and
the Letter of Jeremiah were grouped with Jeremiah and Lamentations; Susanna and
Bel with Daniel. On the other hand, among the Jews, Baruch and the Letter of
Jeremiah were probably autonomous books, but we have no information about their
literary status.42 Were they "outside" books or
"read" books? Were they connected to biblical books only by Christian
Fathers? We do not know.
(The
Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology, Gilles Dorival, pp. 1-10)
1 G. Bedouelle, "Le canon de l' Ancien Testament
dans la perspective du concile de Trente," in Le canon de I'Ancien
Testament.
2 The beginning of Sixtus' text has been published
again in Bedouelle, "Le canon," 280-82.
3 Conciliae Africae, a. 345-a. 525 (ed. C. Munier,
CCSL 149, Turnhout: Brepols 1974) 43.
4 Les eoneiles reeumeniques. Les Deerets. Tome II-I :
Nicee I II Latran V (ed. G. Alberigo, Paris: Cerf 1994) 1170-71.
5 Les eoneiles reeumeniques. Les Deerets. Tome II-2 :
Trente II Vatican II (ed. G. Alberigo, Paris: Cerf 1994) 1350-53.
6 Bedouelle, "Le canon," 264-65. The text
of the two theologians can be read in Societas Goerresiana, Coneilium
Tridentinum (tome 5, Freiburg: Herder 1901ss.) 7, 1. 1114 (= Bedouelle, n .
32).
7 Text published by Bedouelle, "Le canon,"
277-79.
8 Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem (ed. R. Weber
and R. Gryson, Stuttgart: Deutsche BibelgeseUschaft 1969, 19944 ) 957.
9 Rufin d' AquiJee, Expositio symboli (ed. M.
Simonetti, CCSL 20, Tumhout: Brepols 1961) 170-71.
10 Origene, La Lettre aAfricanus sur l'histoire de
Suzanne (ed. N. de Lange, SC 302, Paris: Cerf 1983) 522-73.
11 M. Harl, G. Dorival and O. Munnich, La Bible
grecque des Septante du judaj'sme hellt!nistique au christianisme ancien
(Paris: Cerf 1988, 19942) 84-86. In fact, there is much debate among scholars
on that point.
12 Melito, Eklogai, quoted by Eusebius of Caesarea,
Ecclesiastical History IV 26,12-14 (ed. G. Bardy, SC 31, Paris: Cerf 1952).
13 John Chrysostom, Synopsis, PG 56: 313-85
(Protheoria, 313-317). The Synopsis and its authenticity are discussed by G.
Dorival, Qu'est-ce qu'un corpus litteraire? Recherches sur Ie corpus biblique
et les corpus patristiques (Leuven: Peeters 2005), 53-93: "chapitre 3. L'
apport des Synopses transmises sous Ie nom d' Athanase et de Jean Chrysostome a
la question du corpus litteraire de la Bible."
14 The list of Cheltenham has been published by T.
Mommsen, "Zur lateinischen Stichometrie," Hermes 21 (1886) 142-46;
Gelasius' Decree, by E. von Dobschiitz (TU XXXVIII 4, Leipzig: Hinrichs 1912).
15 Augustinus, De doctrina christiana (ed. J. Martin,
CCSL 32, Turnhout: Brepols 1962) 39-40.
16 Origen, Commentary on Psalm 1 quoted by Eusebius,
Ecclesiastical History VI 25 (ed. G. Bardy, SC 41, Paris: cerf 1955).
17 Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 365.
18 Epiphanius, Panarion (ed. K. H611, GCS 25, Leipzig:
Hinrichs 1925) 191-192
19 Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus, PG 43: 244.
20 Josippus, Hypomnesticon I 25, PG 106: 32.
21 John Damascenus, De fide orthodoxa, PG 94: 1180.
22 Hilarius, Tractatus super psalmos, Instructio
psalmorum 15 (ed. A. Zingerle, CSEL 22, Turnhout: Brepols 1891) 3-19.
23 Dorival, Qu'est-ce qu'un corpus litteraire, 95-108:
"chapter 5. Le document synoptique du Barberinianus gr. 317 (III
36)."
24 See Melito, Eklogai (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical
History IV 26,12-14); Gregory Nazianzenus, Poems I 12, PG 37: 472-74;
Amphilochius Iconiensis, Iambs to Seleucos 251-319, PG 37:1577-1600.
25 Athanasius, Festal letter 39 (a. 394), PG 26:
1436-40 and 1176-80; Pseudo-Athanasius, Synopsis, PG 28: 284-437; Josippus,
Hypomnesticon, PG 106: 32; Pseudo-Nicephorus, Chronographia (ed. T. Zahn,
Geschichte des Neutestamentlichen Kanons, 2/1, Erlangen and Leipzig: Deichert
1890) 299.
26 Origen, Homelies on Numbers 27, 1, 3 (ed. L.
Doutreleau, SC 461, Paris: Cerf 2002) 272-73.
27 Athanasius, Festal letter 39.
28 Pseudo-Athanasius, Synopsis, PG 28: 284-437.
29 Rufinus, Expositio symboli 36 (ed. Simonetti)
170-71.
30 Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 365.
31 Isidorus, In libros Veteris et Novi Testamenti
Proemia, PL 83: 157-58.
32 Zahn, Geschichte, 291-92.
33 Pseudo-Nicephorus, Chronographia (ed. Zahn) 299.
34 Pseudo-Athanasius, Synopsis, PG 28: 288-437.
35 According to Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History IV
22, 9 (ed. G. Bardy, Paris: Cerf 1952).
36 Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 957.
37 Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, 364-66.
38 Ed. F.e. Conybeare (Oxford: Clarendon 1898) 66.
39 Ed. B.M. Metzger, Constitutions apostoliques VIII
47,85 (SC 336, Paris: Cerf 1987) 306-09.
40 E. Junod, "La fonnation et la composition de
l' Ancien Testament dans I'eglise grecque des quatre premiers siec1es,"
I.e canon de l'Ancien Testament, 105-51.
41 Origen, Letter to Africanus 3-6 and 19; Homelies on
Numbers 271,3.
42 La Bible d'Alexandrie. Baruch, Lamentations, Lettre
de ,bernie (eds. I. Assan-Dhote & J. Fine, Paris: Cerf 2005) 22, 50 and
297.
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